Politik

An Analysis of Haitian Politics

By Ariel Errar


Abstract

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Painting of “Battle of Vertières” the second War of Haitian Independence (Patrick Noze)

Since the daunting years of revolution in the early 20th century, the island of Haiti has faced significant political adversity from primarily external forces. Though Haiti took brilliant strides emerging as the first free black nation in the Western Hemisphere, the nation has struggled immensely to attain political stability and independence. Unfortunately, the political image of Haiti today remains tarnished as it always has in the eyes of the global audience severely due to the perpetuation of Haitian exceptionalism. Drawing from a variety of scholarly works including Alex Dupuy and Michel-Rolph Trouillot, this essay will refute the ignorant, yet popular, Western notion that the reason Haiti has experienced such immense political turmoil is solely because of internal factors. Additionally, I will discredit the perception that Haitian people themselves do not possess the intellectual tools nor have the desire to overcome their conditions. This very analysis of Haiti’s political past is relevant to Haitian studies because it possesses the key to reconstructing and salvaging what is left of the current crumbling political climate of Haiti.

 

Key Words: Exceptionalism, Paternalism, Otherness, Coercion, Subhuman, Inferiority, Ward, Dehumanization, Pity, Backwardness, Infancy, Corruption, Narrative, Racism


Haitian Exceptionalism

When we think about Haiti and its international perception we often associate the nation as the poorest country in the Western hemisphere that is eternally plagued by conflict, chaos, dysfunction and violence. Rather than focusing on the individual identity of Haiti, we often homogenize and isolate the island as a black geopolitical pariah helplessly dependent on the charity of our white Western world. Haitian Exceptionalism (Trouillot, 1990), a phenomenon thrusted upon the island since before its independence, is the disembodiment and dehumanization of the Haitian people through a privileged Western lens that labels the island and its native population as taboo, barbaric and far from our own privileged comprehension. A racist, homogenization of Haitian people as docile, politically immobile subhumans continues to be wrongfully portrayed in the realm of international politics by the West and used as justification for the exploitation of Haiti through external actors, specifically the United States. This essay will expose the true perpetuators of “backwardness” on the island: foreign, manipulative, “dominant” nations that thrive off of the submissiveness of Haiti.

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US and Haiti Political Cartoon (Hartford Courant 2010, Cagle Cartoons)

The Ward of the US

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U.S. Marines in Haiti (Bettmann/Corbin, 1934)

As outlined in her textbook definition (Renda 2001, 15), “paternalism was an assertion of authority, superiority, and control expressed in the metaphor of a father’s relationship with his children.” Though the United States had interfered 8 times prior, the US did not officially occupy the island of Haiti until 1915. Masked as an initiative to help integrate the island of Haiti into the international realm of world politics, the United States successfully instituted chronic political infancy onto the Haitian government. The island of Haiti quickly manifested into a police state infiltrated by US marines who enforced imperial will onto the Haitian people. Haiti was deemed too politically unstable to become autonomous in the early 1900s, in the eyes of the Western world, the island had been corrupted by barbarianism, savagery, and overall unintelligence which could only be combated through paternalistic fostering. Following the ousting of President Sam and the massacre of his supporters, the US Navy, Admiral Caperton in particular, orchestrated a rigged election in which Sudre Dartiguenave was appointed president, but at a price. If Dartiguenave was to become president, he would have to “realize Haiti must agree to any terms laid down by the United States, profess to believe any terms demanded will be for Haiti’s benefit, says he will use all his influence with Haitian Congress to have such terms agreed upon by Haiti (Douglas 1927, 242),” Once Dartiguenave swore to this pledge, Admiral Caperton permitted the election where American troops paraded around the Congress building, selectively letting voters with signed Dartiguenave cards inside to vote. As Douglas (1927, 243) unveils “it seemed undeniable therefore that the election took place in a setting where the American military force could exercise a strong and perhaps predominating influence in favor of Dartiguenave.” The US took no time in coercing their newly elected President into signing a treaty which finally gave the United States consolidation of Haiti’s customs as well as executive power in appointing financial advisors in Haiti. This very treaty had consolidated the true intentions of the US: to make the Haitian government, including its people and economy, subservient to the interests of the American people.

us marine in haiti 2004
U.S. Marine in Haiti (BBC, 2004)

As outlined in her textbook definition (Renda 2001, 15), “paternalism was an assertion of authority, superiority, and control expressed in the metaphor of a father’s relationship with his children.” Though the United States had interfered 8 times prior, the US did not officially occupy the island of Haiti until 1915. Masked as an initiative to help integrate the island of Haiti into the international realm of world politics, the United States successfully instituted chronic political infancy onto the Haitian government. The island of Haiti quickly manifested into a police state infiltrated by US marines who enforced imperial will onto the Haitian people. Haiti was deemed too politically unstable to become autonomous in the early 1900s, in the eyes of the Western world, the island had been corrupted by barbarianism, savagery, and overall unintelligence which could only be combated through paternalistic fostering. Following the ousting of President Sam and the massacre of his supporters, the US Navy, Admiral Caperton in particular, orchestrated a rigged election in which Sudre Dartiguenave was appointed president, but at a price. If Dartiguenave was to become president, he would have to “realize Haiti must agree to any terms laid down by the United States, profess to believe any terms demanded will be for Haiti’s benefit, says he will use all his influence with Haitian Congress to have such terms agreed upon by Haiti (Douglas 1927, 242),” Once Dartiguenave swore to this pledge, Admiral Caperton permitted the election where American troops paraded around the Congress building, selectively letting voters with signed Dartiguenave cards inside to vote. As Douglas (1927, 243) unveils “it seemed undeniable therefore that the election took place in a setting where the American military force could exercise a strong and perhaps predominating influence in favor of Dartiguenave.” The US took no time in coercing their newly elected President into signing a treaty which finally gave the United States consolidation of Haiti’s customs as well as executive power in appointing financial advisors in Haiti. This very treaty had consolidated the true intentions of the US: to make the Haitian government, including its people and economy, subservient to the interests of the American people.

Birthed from the paternalistic oversight that the Haitian people were merely incapable of grasping the concept of independence and autonomy, the US tightened its reigns on the shoulders of the Haitian people. US marines spewed unabashed racism and exercised brute force on the Haitian people, intimidating them into completing the labor of roads that would later help the US transport Haiti’s resources and goods into the US free from tariffs, and other export restrictions. This exercise of oppression was seen as a benevolent act of the American people teaching, leading Haitian into the direction of proper physical and political infrastructure. However Haitians were never given the opportunity to reap the benefits of their production, because of this very sense of “otherness, inferiority posed onto them since independence. As (Renda 2001, 19) explains, “Adhering to the paternalist narrative, they stressed the uncivilized nature of Haitian political processes to date and portrayed the military occupation as a moral imperative.” In other words, the United States had a moral obligation to take control of the Haitian people, in order to save them from themselves., a derivative of the infamous narrative that Haitians are the ward of the US, too much of an infant to be left unattended. As perfectly depicted in Langston Hughes (1932, 52)  poem, “the dark skinned little Republic, then, has its hair caught in the white fingers of unsympathetic foreigners, and the Haitian people live today under a sort of military dictatorship backed by American guns. They are not free.”

Duvalierism

baby and papa doc
Baby and Papa Doc Standing in Front of the Haitian Presidential Desk (Getty Images, 1990)

According to Dupuy (1988, 107), “US military occupation paved the way for the rise of Duvalier.” Through American oppressive paternalism or what they called an “occupation”, the US succeeded in exploiting Haiti’s economic structure, centralizing half of its economy and military power into the capital for their own foreign economic gain and concentrating the rest of the political power into the hands of the easily coerced mulatto bourgeoisie. Through this biased shift in power rose another form of oppression onto the Haitian masses in the form of colorism.

It had been decades of foreign intervention in Haiti and the US continued to poise the island of Haiti as an infant, unstable and unready to be governed by its own people. However, a new negative narrative of the Haitian people began to take storm during perhaps one of the most repressive eras of Haitian history: the era of Duvalierism. The reign of both Duvaliers was characterized as a totalitarian oppression of the Haitian masses and exercised through “physical violence and its extension beyond the limits traditionally respected by previous governments (Dupuy 1988, 108).” The previous repression and manipulation carried out by Americans made the fragility of Haiti’s domestic military and economy so evident and easily susceptible to François Duvalier’s political agenda. Almost effortlessly, “Papa Doc” solidified himself as the ruler of all aspects of the Haitian State. Through his intolerance of a divisive and delegated state, Duvalier insured the demise of the Haitian government and corruption were inevitable. However, Duvalier did not secure this fate for Haiti solely on his own. Far more interested in the obedience of Haiti than the actual humanity and conditions of his rule, the US fully funded Duvalier’s dictatorship with foreign humanitarian aid money, leaving none of it to the impoverished masses of Haiti. According to (Schuler and Morales 2012, 213), “Duvalier dynasty received $900 million in foreign aid as well as tactical support from the US, UN, World Bank and Catholic Church.” Duvalier’s reign could not have been sustained on his own, he was foolish and greedy, and his refusal to enable a division of labor led to the extreme inefficiency and incapability of the Haitian government, however he was able to maintain his repression for such an outstanding time because of the millions of dollars he was awarded for creating a façade of an anticommunist front. Surely, “the elder Duvalier achieved the near destruction of Haitian civil society (Trouillot 1994, 51).”  

As Papa Doc ensured the civil destruction of Haitian society through his oppressive, violent rule, Baby Doc succeeded him and added to their treacherous legacy by dismantling all of what was left of Haiti’s dangling economic dependence by transferring complete policy power to international financial institutions (World Bank, IMF) in exchange for personal riches. Through wage cuts, tax breaks for foreign investors, reduction of restrictions on imports, and privatization of public enterprises, Baby Doc depleted the island of all its resources, creating the useless, barren nation the West continues to label Haiti. He’s coerciveness and stupidity began to perpetuate another negative stereotype of Haitian people: a greedy demographic of unintelligent, useless people who only want to come to America to reap monetary benefits. Baby Doc’s horrific extortion and intentional bankruptcy of Haiti not only led to environmental degradation, rapid rural to urban migration, but it also furthered polarized the economic disparities between the masses and the elite. After impoverished Haitians had been personally victimized by the violent terrors of Papa Doc’s secret police army (Tontons Macoute), they were later met with economic humiliation and corruption by Baby Doc. And to add insult to injury, the behaviors of these two dictators further fueled American depictions of Haitians as incompetent, selfish babies, who didn’t deserve to reap the benefits of any sort of foreign aid, which may even be the ideological explanation for the American and NGO misuse of billions of dollars in foreign aid during Haiti’s most catastrophic “natural” disaster: the 2010 earthquake.

Evolution of Evil: François Duvalier (Papa Doc) History Channel, (Youtube 2015)

Politics Following the Earthquake

ballots.png
Poll worker sifts through ballots laying on the ground after a voting station is abruptly closed down (Joe Raedle, Getty images 2010)

It is evident that the rubble of the Haitian Earthquake made for a revival of the white man’s burden in terms of its political and media response. Hundreds of white humanitarian aid workers, journalists, political celebrities and doctors fled to Haiti to become stars of the benevolence show. Leave it up to the Western world to turn human suffering into a discourse of colonialism, this time in the form of uplifting a nation they have pervious imposed imperialistic ideals on. This façade of benevolence in the Western world cannot exist without the construction of a poor, inferior “other” that begs for aid and intervention.

The infamous 2010 Haitian earthquake was much more than just a natural catastrophe. Not only did the earthquake fracture the biggest city on the island but it also helped give the international sphere, especially the world of humanitarian assistance, the prime opportunity to destroy the remains of the independent Haitian government. While families were still recovering in worn down tarps and covered in dust of the aftermath, international players were proactive in resuming the Haitian Presidential and Parliament elections, consciously without the Haitian people. “Why would the United States spend money on elections but not a penny on emergency aid or reconstruction (Schuler and Morales 2012, 195)?” The answer is this: the only way to continue to ensure Haiti’s chronic economic and political dependency on the United States is to “elect” a leader of the nation who can be easily coerced by Western interests and exploitive economic policies. Evidently, the recurring exceptionalist narrative of Haitians being too uneducated to deem what is appropriate for their own country reigns true even today in the 2010s. On top of being tremendously rushed, the elections were so obnoxiously rigged under the supervision of MINUSTAH (the UN peacekeeping force) forcefully stripped away the rights of the Haitian people by denying them their human right to vote and invalidating their IDs. One of the most horrendous acts one can do to the dignity of a nation is to deny the identity of its people on their own soil, especially following a catastrophe.

The Haitian Presidential and Parliament elections of 2010 were symbolic of the true façade of “Democracy” the Western world continues to spew onto smaller nations they surround and bully. According to Jean Ives Blot, “An election is supposed to be a ‘sovereign’ act in which the population exercises its autonomous rights, as people in charge of their own life (Schuler and Morales 2012, 196).” However, the people of Haiti have never been able to exercise their own divine right to govern themselves since their triumph of independence in the early 1900s. Haiti has repeatedly been ostracized, marginalized, and oppressed by foreign “dominant” nations who seek to exercise and boast their superiority to the rest of the international community. The United States prides itself on being the promoters of “equality”, the narcissistic belief that all nations should be ran with the same neoliberal policies as the US, despite their differences in history, demographics, and culture. To no one’s surprise, the 2010 Presidential elections yielded the lowest voter turnout of any presidential contest ever in all of the Americas. MINUSTAH did its part of discrediting the Haitian government and people not only by denying Haitians the right to vote, but also invalidating thousands of ballots and recounting them separately until their favorite candidate by the name of Michel Martelly became the ultimate victor and new American puppet. The invalidation of these ballots was a point of exceptionalist symbolism itself: the invalidation of the humanity and intelligence of the Haitian people. Even on their own land, the US refused to acknowledge the Haitian experience all because they continue to spew and perpetuate a narrative of the Haitian mind as incomprehensible and invaluable.

Political Graffiti: Haiti; Where did the Money Go? Episode 2 Uploaded by Filmat11tv (2011)

In addition to crippling the nation’s political infrastructure, the US looked to further handicap the Haitian economy. Following the disaster, $3 billion was spent by the US government, $3 billion by other foreign nations, and $3 billion from private investors. However, the government of Haiti was only given merely 1% of this humanitarian aid, something millions of Americans still have not realized 8 years later. The reason this sort of government corruption can persist in Haiti is because of the US’s exploitive economic past on the island and their perpetuation of Haitian dependency through NGOs. It is evident that “main areas of US and other donor concerns did not always align with the Haitian government’s priorities (Ramachandran 2015, 32).” By disguising foreign donations as “means of long-term recovery funds”, tons of American companies could cash in lump sums of money without having to show physical progress of their reconstruction initiatives in Haiti. The only excuse that foreign donors can give for the lack of funding is the routine, ignorant ideology of this: “the government of Haiti lacked capacity and/or was too corrupt (Ramachandran 2015, 35).” This Western perpetuation of financial distrust in Haitians stems directly from the extortion and scandalous legacy of both Papa and Baby Doc, but through this ignorant narrative, the international sphere created their own sort of economic corruption, known as “disaster capitalism and tourism.”

As aforementioned, the 2010 Haiti earthquake and the aftermath was exploited by the international sphere, especially by the gang of NGOs, to showcase the benevolence and superiority of the Western world in relation to the disastrous, helpless Haiti. Disaster tourists, or people “heading to the site of a to see the destruction, take pictures, obtain bragging rights, and get the shoulder badge (Hoving 2010, 202),” seemed to plague the island of Haiti. Instead of offering actual aid and guidance to the Haitian people, foreign “aid workers” took pictures without the permission of the Haitian people, poked at them like science experiments, stared into their personal quarters like they were zoo animals, further exercising their exceptionalist privileges far beyond their own cognizance. Media outlets zoomed in on dead, uncensored bodies on the streets of Haiti, desensitizing the viewers and creating a narrative of chaotic normalcy on the island. These discourses of disaster voyeurism and tourism incited millions to donate to Haiti but did little to increase the overall dignity of the Haitian people. Immediately the Haitian government, which hadn’t been controlled by Haitians in centuries was deemed the villain. These negative connotations were ignorantly spread of the Haitian people to the international political sphere and are the sole ideological explanation for the measly 1% of humanitarian aid that was reluctantly thrown into the hands of the Haitian government.

greetingsfromhaiti
Political Cartoon titled “Greetings From Haiti” by Mike Flugennock (2010)

 

Overall the ugly truth of humanitarian assistance revealed that “the Haiti quake did not cultivate global empathy but only re-affirmed a racialized pity towards black victims of calamity (Balaji 2010, 66).” Pity in the form of humanitarian assistance in Haiti has been utilized instead to expose continuous problematic power relations between the United States superiority and Haiti’s defining inferiority as well as the persistence of global racism. In order for a supreme, perfect example of a State such as America to exist, it must exercise its political influence on a nation it deems subordinate to itself, in this case Haiti.

 

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Supporters from Fanmi Lavalas and Pitit Dessalines political parties protest the election results in Port-au-Prince on December 16 2016. (AFP, Getty Images 2016)

Haitian Political Mobilization

However, to believe in the docility and subhumanity of the Haitian people is simply the most ignorant, prejudice filled narrative to date created by the West. In actuality the spirit of the Haitian people to mobilize and promote unity has always been cognizant. In the 1960s the farmers of the island successfully politicized a cooperative known as the “guwopman” where they were primary advocates for “agrarian reform, elimination of the repressive section chiefs…and the promotion of Haitian creole (Aristide and Richardson 1994, 33).” However, farmers were not the only ones to pave the way for protest and reformative policies. Many of the grassroots organizations that have been produced in Haitian society today come from a plethora of backgrounds in ecclesiastical communities, students from the university, neighbors, and the peasant masses. United, the primary objectives of these movements were to incite revolutionary change, combat the traditional, “subservient” nature and image of the Haitian government, and to create a participatory democracy (Aristide and Richardson 1994, 30).

Haitian-social-movement-group-of-4
Tet Kole Haitian Peasant Movement for Food Security (Pop. Resistance, 2013)

One of the most well-known catalysts of these grassroots movements came from an unlikely source: the Christian Church. Through the ecclesiastical community of Ti Kominote Legliz, formed during the oppressive Duvalier Era, peasants, workers, and students began to unify and reproduce similar revolutionary popular movements. Despite the stereotype that Haitian people were and still are too uneducated to know how to govern themselves and fight for change, thousands have participated in strikes, land takeovers, and publications fully expressing their emotions and opposition to oppression in a clear and concise manner. It is within these grassroots organizations that the Haitian people are truly depicted, and their concerns are manifested into political ideals that can help promote a true, autonomous Haiti. Through the said application of these modes of protest, the Haitian people mobilized one of the most popular movements on the island. Despite Baby Doc and Papa Doc’s oppressive legacies being perpetuated by the military junta they left behind following their abandonment, the grassroots movement began to create a new, transformative front, with their own presidential candidate at its forefront: Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Through a practice known as dechoukaj, Haitians successfully began to disassemble the horrendous police posse Tontons Macoute and dismantle state control over universities. Jean-Bertrand Aristide successfully created “Operation Lavalas”, “an arranged marriage between the popular movement from which Aristide sprang and anti-Macoute elites characterized by the National Front for Change and Democracy (FNCD) (Aristide and Richardson 1994, 34).” Once Aristide began to gain momentum, he began to set forth the concerns of the poor masses over the elites and let his motive for Presidency became crystal clear: “to build an independent political structure around the mass mobilization of the people (Aristide and Richardson 1994, 34).” It had finally seemed like the political climate was pristine and molded for the grassroots organization to solidify their presence and purpose while fulfilling the demands of the Haitian masses. However, when the FNCD elite reformists realized that Aristide was more focus on popular interests than that of their own, the fate of his presidency immediately crumbled. On September 30, 1991 the FNCD military backed by foreign forces and funding (the US) tragically succeeded in a coup against newly elected Jean-Bertrand Aristide. This would not be the last reigning image of Aristide and surely not the last time the US would find its hands soaked in the blood of the innocent Haitians.

 

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President Aristide Greeting Haitians Outside of a Courthouse (BBC, 2013)

The 2000 Haiti elections sparked new promise and a refined political agenda of the Lavalas operation, this time without competing forces of elite waiting to self-sabotage the movement. With a new name, Fanmi Lavalas was poised with a concise political regime and exercised quite a majority in parliament. For the first time in Haitian history according to Hallward (2007, 75), “a political organization had emerged that, somewhat like the ANC in South Africa, could plausibly present itself as the natural party of the government.” Aristide’s victory marked a pivotal eclipse of the Lavalas movement, finally the opportunity had arisen for Aristide and the Haitian masses to uninterruptedly stimulate popular, social change. Or so they thought. Despite the detail, the zeal, the compassion and coherence of the Lavalas regime which promoted health and education, investment in microfinancing, and peasant cooperatives, it was still labeled a menace by the international society. The United States could not envision an autonomous Haiti, capable of uplifting its people without the “help” of external factors. A stable, prosperous Haiti was simply not beneficial for the neoliberalist interests of America, which is why they had to treat the sensibility of Aristide and the Lavalas regime as a social pariah.

 

Quoted in Hallward (2007, 85), Roger Noriega, the “US Assistant Secretary of State” stated in March 2004 that, “The last ten years were all about Aristide. It was all about making apologies for his mistakes, excuses for his violations, and compensating, accommodating his pathological behavior, quite frankly. He’s not a typical Haitian, thank God (Roger Noriega, March 2004).” It is quite repulsive to believe that the US would strive to deliberately falsify and assassinate the character of the Haitian masses. Not only through powerful language but also through brute military force and intentional economic degradation. Once Aristide had risen to power for the second time, the US immediately began to cut over $500 million in aid from the island. In addition to this mass reduction, the US began to enact a crippling embargo on the Haitian government as a direct reaction to the “corruption” and “lack of democracy” of the Lavalas regime, which brings up quite an ideological paradox that seems to resonate all throughout the US’s relationship with Haiti: “US hadn’t seemed particularly concerned about democratic legitimacy when it funneled millions of dollars to the Duvaliers and the juntas which followed them (Hallward 2007, 81).” The same juntas that killed thousands of innocent Haitians, stole millions of dollars from the government, and imprisoned the masses both mentally and physically were considered democratically legitimate to the US? Or was it solely because the Duvaliers were much easier to coerce and exploit financially than Aristide and Préval? The “typical Haitian” is not submissive, and should never bare the blame for the failure of an independent Haitian state. What we need to blame and highlight is the United States’ inhumane and sadistic economic manipulation of Haiti to its own needs and benefits simply based on the principles of racial dehumanization and Haitian exceptionalism. Hallward (2007, 82) explicitly states the obvious: “Haiti’s profound dependency on foreign assistance gives it donors massive if not irresistible leverage.” The US enforced cut of Haitian public sector wages and public services along with the embargo not only created an economic catastrophe in Haiti, but catalyzed the horrendous aftermath conditions the 2010 Earthquake.

Footage of South Florida Haitian Protest following President Trump’s Horrendous Comments Regarding the Island. (Uploaded on Youtube by PridesofHaiti, 2018)

Conclusion

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Presidential Candidate Lavalas Political Party Marysse Narcisse and Former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide (AFP 2016)

To conclude, all hope for the future of Haitian politics should not be lost, thanks to the strides and fervent support of the Haitian diaspora. Haitian scholars, human rights advocates and other diaspora leaders have continued to tirelessly endorse the implementation of basic human rights and dignity; necessities that have always been withheld and dangled in front of the Haitian people by foreign actors. Two of the Haitian diaspora’s major political gains included the passing of dual citizenship and temporary protected status (TPS) granted to Haitians in the US. In addition to these legal achievements, diaspora led groups such as Haiti Advocacy Working Group (HAWG) have applied political pressure on relief organizations to become transparent and highlighted the voices of Haitian grassroots organizations and women’s rights groups. The key to building a true, autonomous Haiti is through the Diaspora and Haiti’s female population, both groups that continuously elevate and mobilize the Haitian people.

 

 

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Haitian Women: Now We See the Real Face of Trump CNN Video (2018)

Despite all the hardships, exploitation, neocolonialism, and foreign interference in Haitian politics from biased, ignorant external forces, the Haitian masses unremittingly pursue transparency of foreign aid companies, participation in government decisions, inclusion of women into the realm of politics, and the nationalizing of local companies in the 21st century. Henceforth, the exceptionalist view of Haiti has always been a problematic, political and systematic form of oppression enforced on the island’s people. The sole villains, perpetrators of Haiti’s “instability” and chaos, are not the Haitian people themselves. It is US.


Bibliography

Aristide, Marx, and Laurie Richardson. 1994 Haiti’s popular resistance. NACLA Report on the Americas 27, 4: 30-36.

Balaji, Murali. 2011 Racializing pity: The Haiti earthquake and the plight of “others”. Critical Studies in Media Communication 28, 50-67.

Douglas, Paul H. 1927 The American Occupation of Haiti I. Political Science Quarterly 42:228-258.

Dupuy, Alex. 1988 Conceptualizing the Duvalier dictatorship. Latin American Perspectives 15, 4: 105-114.

Hallward, Peter. 2007 Damming the flood: Haiti, Aristide, and the politics of containment.

Ramachandran, Vijaya, and Julie Walz. 2015. Haiti: where has all the money gone? Journal of Haitian Studies 21, 26-65.

Renda, Mary A. 2001 Taking Haiti: Military occupation and the culture of US imperialism, 1915-1940. Univ of North Carolina Press, 10-36

Schuller, Mark, and Pablo Morales 2012.Tectonic shifts: Haiti since the earthquake. Kumarian Press; 195-247

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. 1990. “The Odd and the Ordinary: Haiti, the Caribbean, and the

World.” Cimarrón 2(3):3-12.

Trouillot, Michel-Rolph. 1994 Haiti’s Nightmare and the Lessons of History. NACLA Report on the Americas 27, 4: 46-51.

Van Hoving, Daniël J., Lee A. Wallis, Fathima Docrat, and Shaheem De Vries 2010 Haiti disaster tourism—a medical shame. Prehospital and disaster medicine 25, 3: 201-202.

 

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